Afrasianet - Oraib Al Rantawi - A single Palestinian meeting, whether face-to-face or virtual, is not without a question about what the Palestinian national project is, how we are working to redefine it, whether there is a need to redefine it at all, what distinguishes the project from the "national program", and what tools of struggle must be agreed on in order to accomplish the program and the project together.
There is a general consensus on the priority of raising such questions and topics, which is matched only by the reluctance and reluctance to provide clear answers to them, and in any case, it is understandable that it is a thorny task, which requires a "collective mind" to address and address it, and its questions and challenges cannot be answered with individual intellectual jurisprudence, and most importantly, it needs the broadest national consensus behind it, so that the "idea" becomes a "material force" that has solid feet to walk on.
There is a clear confusion (read scandalous) between the national project and the program, as "the liberation of Palestine from its river to its sea" is sometimes spoken of as a national program, just as the "two-state solution" is sometimes dealt with as a Palestinian national project, and at other times, the "armed struggle" is addressed as both a project and a program, thus replacing the final and interim goals of a people's struggle that has spanned more than a hundred years, and is expected to extend for decades and generations to come.
A balanced team of contributors to the public debate refers you to the founding documents of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), as if all those years and decades that have passed do not require any amount of review or scrutiny, or as if the waters of Palestine, Israel, the region and the world have remained stagnant throughout this extended period, without sensing the need to adopt a new discourse, new vocabulary, and new tools to deal with the developments of the world surrounding Palestine, a cause, a people, and a national movement, as an expression of a sweeping tendency to give an aura of "holiness" to the "Charter", language, vocabulary, and tools.
"The dismantling of Israel as an entity of racism and apartheid and the elimination of its brutal tendencies and tendencies must be at the forefront of the priorities and objectives of the Palestinian national project in its new form"
________________
In the narrative and the project
The Palestinian national project is not defined or redefined, apart from the Palestinian "narrative" inherited from generation to generation, as was the case when drafting the founding documents of the organization and the national movement in general, and will continue to be so, as the people and their national movement approach the thresholds of a new strategic-qualitative stage.
Otherwise, the Palestinian struggle now and in the future will become rooted in its roots and separate from successive waves of revolutions and intifadas, which began since Israel was a project.
The Palestinian narrative, in a nutshell and not disturbance, speaks of the unity of the land, the people and the cause, and every project that detracts from these three personalities is incomplete and suspicious.
Historic Palestine is the homeland of the Palestinians, and its people have been subjected to the most horrible (and longest) types of colonialism, subversive-racial, and the establishment of an entity on its land and its ruins has been carried out in the most brutal ways, including extermination, ethnic cleansing, displacement (which did not start in Gaza), and attempts to obliterate all the features of its civilization, history, identity and culture.
This entity is systematically and systematically transforming towards fascism and brutality, by imposing an apartheid regime on this people in all its components and in its various places of existence, and racial discrimination against more than two million Palestinians who are crammed into the narrowest area of their plundered land.
A regime of apartheid against more than five million Palestinians who have been subjected to occupation, siege and creeping settlement since 1967, and a racist regime that enables even those who are challenged to their "Jewishness" to "return", reside and citizenship in Israel, and deny eight million Palestinian refugees the right to visit their towns and relatives, rather than return and compensation, as stipulated by UN references.
From the perspective of this collective narrative, justice requires the return of the Palestinians to their homeland, liberation from the bondage of colonialism, liberation from the usurped land, liberation from the slavery of apartheid and, like all the peoples of the earth, enjoying the right to self-determination, which is freedom, liberation and independence.
The founding fathers of the organization were inspired by this narrative and drafted a national charter that still retains much of its validity and relevance, although it may need to internalize the new that has emerged over all those years and decades, in order to keep pace with the profound shifts that preceded and followed the flood in the trends and trends of world public opinion.
If "liberation" and the "secular democratic state" preached by the founding fathers as the final solution to the Palestinian question are the pillars of the founding national project, the questions of "liberation" need to be clarified today, in terms of meaning, meaning, how, and tools, while the questions of a single state expand with the presence of nearly eight million Jews on the land of Palestine and a similar number of Palestinians on the land itself, and in a way that strongly raises the questions of individual rights (equal citizenship) and collective (national) rights of both blocs, although the debate may extend for a long time about the difference between Judaism , Zionism and "Israeliness", and whether the Jews constitute a "national association" or have formed it eight decades after the establishment of their entity.
If the idea of "liberation" as the "millstone" of the national project as formulated by the founders presupposes the return of the Jews (at least most of them) to the lands from which they emigrated or were expelled, the redefined national project cannot ignore the realities of the scene as it has been shaped over the past years and decades, and may need to be investigated and deepened into the issue of "bi-nationalism" and the consequent formulas and forms of the political and administrative systems on which the "one state" will be based.
However, all of this presupposes a desperate struggle, with the greatest burden on the Palestinians themselves, and those who may join them from Jews who are free from their Zionism and excessive racism.
The dismantling of Israel as an entity of racism and apartheid and the elimination of its brutal tendencies and tendencies must be at the forefront of the priorities and objectives of the Palestinian national project in its new form.
"A single state, a secular democracy, which preserves equal rights, individual and collective, for its inhabitants and constituents, free from the racist legacy of Zionism and from the brutal fascism that characterizes Israel's policies and practices, can be the national project, and the solid basis of this project is that the Palestinians are almost equal in numbers and who they are on the land of historic Palestine"
________________
The renewed national project may attract, now and at a later stage, Israeli and non-Israeli Jews, who are alarmed by Israel's drift of religious Zionism, fascism in its most brutal and bloody form, and the more extreme right, to reformulate their political system, in the form of dictatorial-theocratic systems, with which the roles of the judiciary, the Supreme Court, and the separation of powers, inherited from secular-liberal modes of government, are erased.
Profound, and perhaps irreversible, shifts, both in the trends of world public opinion (especially in the West) and among increasing sectors of world Jewry, must be strongly present when redefining the Palestinian national project, especially as it becomes one of the most important levers for the cause of the Palestinian people and the future of their national movement, with the decline of other levers of nationalism and Islamism, as has become clear since the flood.
A single state, a secular democracy, preserving equal rights, individual and collective, for its inhabitants and constituents, free from the racist legacy of Zionism and the brutal fascism that characterizes Israel's policies and practices, can be the national project, and the solid basis of this project is the fact that the Palestinians are almost equal in numbers, both in terms of their numbers on the land of historic Palestine (7.5 million each), and their counterparts in the countries of exile, diaspora and diaspora. The geography and resources of historic Palestine are capable of absorbing this solution, in the medium and long term.
The one-state solution is not an angry reaction to the failure of the "two-state solution", or a card of pressure and blackmail that is put forward to justify and explain adherence to this solution, but it must be viewed through the lens of the "project", while the two-state solution, at best, must be seen through the lens of the "program", as there is no concept of a final solution that strikes at the unity of the land, the people and the cause, such as the "two-state solution", which from the perspective of even the most enthusiastic parties is behind our backs.
A joint global struggle against Zionism, racism and fascism, and consequently against normalization and boycott, can be a unified slogan for the Palestinian people in all places of existence, which is not guaranteed by any other project, and can serve as a ground for the launch of a sustainable global solidarity movement with the Palestinians, and establish the beginning of a division among the Jewish community in Palestine and the world, which we see as necessary to strengthen the status of the cause, the people and the national movement.
"The genius of combining the various tools and forms of struggle, and choosing the most appropriate one for the stage and its requirements, is one of the issues around which dialogue, frankness, evaluation and evaluation sessions must be held, in order to benefit from the lessons of the rich experiences that our people have experienced, and to establish a new wave of successive waves of resistance"
________________
In the software and tools
The difference between the project and the program does not lie in the terms and time frames required to accomplish each of them, as it is natural that the project will require longer and longer time periods, as it internalizes the ultimate goals of a people's struggle, and requires a degree of consensus, not to say unanimity, as a necessary requirement to reach its goals and objectives. As for the program, it is often shorter-term, and is subject to tug-of-war between the parties and components of the national movement, and perhaps in connection with the disparity in the conditions of the Palestinian diaspora, between inside, which has become "inside", and outside has always been "Kharijites".
In the particular case of Palestine, the program can branch into programs that respond to the different circumstances and different priorities between this or that Palestinian group, provided that it is organized by a single thread: the thread of the unifying national project and the unified national movement, and the only legitimate representative when it wakes up from its coma and regains its leadership and historical role.
In the program, it can be said that each stage of the Palestinian cause has its own program and titles, and I think that the general headings of the current stage, and its program as a whole, do not differ on two things: stopping the genocide and ethnic cleansing in Gaza and the West Bank, curbing the unbridled Israeli brutality, confronting the fascism of the state, the establishment and the settler militias, fixing the Palestinians on their land, healing the deep wounds of Gaza, stopping the settlement encroachment, confronting the projects of Israelization and Judaization of Jerusalem, lifting the injustice against the Palestinians of 1948, as well as rebuilding the system of the Palestinian national movement, after redefining the role and functions of the PA, and when the PLO is recovered from the hands of its captors.
As for the tools, it is necessary to collectively acknowledge the misery of attempts to demonize any of them, especially since the Law of Heaven and Earth has allowed the Palestinians to carry out various forms and tools of struggle, including "armed struggle", and no one has the right to volunteer to abandon any of them, and this is in principle.
On the other hand, it is a mistake to draw an aura of holiness in the form of one of them, as all of them are required and effective, and must be absorbed simultaneously and in parallel, including media, human rights, politics, and various forms of popular and peaceful resistance, provided that the "ruling base" is agreed upon when choosing any of them, or giving it priority, so that the Palestinian people are able to bear the consequences and costs, so that they become an asset for them, a means of attrition for their enemy, instead of being a burden on them, and an excuse (for those who lack excuses) to go to the utmost extent, in extermination, cleansing and savagery.
The genius of marrying the various tools and forms of struggle, and choosing the most appropriate one for the stage and its requirements, is one of the issues around which dialogue, frankness, evaluation and evaluation sessions must be held, in order to benefit from the lessons of the rich experiences experienced by our people, and to establish a new wave of successive waves of resistance.
________________
