Afrasianet - Ibrahim Yunus - The leaks reveal a U.S.-Israeli-Argentine coordination network aimed at restoring Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández convicted of drug trafficking to power in exchange for handing over a military base, territory and strategic projects to Washington and Tel Aviv, dismantling Honduras' judicial and electoral institutions, and launching destabilizing campaigns against the governments of Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela and Cuba.
Over a period of 10 days, between April 28 and early May, hondurasgate.ch , in collaboration with Canal Red and Diario Red, published a collection of 37 audio recordings taken from WhatsApp , Signal and Telegram, dating from January 30 to April 30 this year.
Each recording was criminally investigated via the Phonexia Voice Inspector system, which measures normal speech, spectral coherence, breathing, and AI probability via a nine-step protocol, and no sound was posted in which the probability of artificial synthesis exceeded 10% or had a confidence score of less than 80%.
Taken together, what these recordings reveal is not just a local corruption scandal in Honduras, but a political, financial, media, and military coordination network between the Honduran right, the United States, Israel, and Argentina, aimed at resetting the entire Latin America.
The story of these recordings begins with the electoral context that Donald Trump created last November in Honduras. On the 28th of that month, just two days before the Honduran general elections (presidential, congressional, and local), Trump announced on Truth Social that he would grant a "full and comprehensive pardon" to former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez, who was sentenced by a federal court in New York to 45 years in prison for facilitating the entry of more than 400 tons of cocaine into the United States and receiving millions Dollars from the Sinaloa Cartel.
In the same announcement, Trump called on Hondurans to vote for Nasri Asfora, the National Party's candidate, and promised "significant support" for their country if the latter won.
Trump effectively signed the pardon on Dec. 1, and Hernandez was released the same day, after lifting his detention warrant in an extraordinary treatment documented by ProPublica.
Asfora emerged from the election with 40.27% of the vote, a difference of 0.74%, to Salvador Nasrallah of the Liberal Party (39.53%), while the candidate of the ruling leftist Libre party at the time, Rixi Moncada, slipped to third place (19.19%).
The National Elections Council declared Asfora elected president on December 24, weeks after the counting was delayed and the electronic system was interrupted, amid mutual accusations of fraud.
This coincidence between the amnesty, the announcement of "significant support," and the victory of less than 1% is clearly understood in light of One of the leaked recordings in which Hernandez himself tells Asfora: "I want to believe that you won't exclude me, because thanks to me you are sitting in that chair.
The presidency will return to me. I look forward to your support. Because that's what we agreed on with President Trump." This sentence is complemented by other recordings in which Hernandez threatens to go against him that if he goes against him, then he will go against Trump and his government will fall immediately.
The biggest revelation comes in a recording dated April 28 in which Hernandez says directly that "the amnesty money did not come from you.
Rather, it came from a rabbinical council, and from a group that supports Israel. In another recording, he adds: "The prime minister of Israel will give us support. They had a great relationship. In fact, they had everything to do with my exit and the negotiations."
In another recording, Hernandez reveals that it was far-right adviser Roger Stone, whom Trump pardoned in 2020 on seven charges, who organized a Zoom meeting with Republicans who arranged for his release, asking his beneficiaries to turn to "our friends in Israel" to secure the "logistics, intelligence and funding" needed for his return to the Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa. In this sense, a presidential pardon is more like a business transaction, with Israel paying the price while Trump signed and Stone acting as a mediator.
The price Honduras was forced to pay for amnesty and electoral support is revealed in a recording of Hernández speaking to you on February 10: "Mr. President [Hernández], it is a pleasure to speak with you. We have already had a private session with investment circles, and they are very excited to expand the ZEDE area in Ruatan and Comayagua, as well as Palmerola... We have already negotiated the base [i.e., the establishment of a new U.S. military base in Ruatan as well as the Palmirola base].
And the project between the two oceans [a rail line connecting Honduras' Atlantic and Pacific coasts], we will hand it over to GE."
Asfora adds that the decision to buy the minerals will be limited to Argentina and the United States, "Avoiding Canada and China, these were the warnings we received.
The Chinese have been making offers, but we will not give up. We will stop it." Added to all this is the construction of the CECOT prison inside the Honduran capital, modeled after the model established by Najib Bukele in El Salvador.
The economic zones known as ZEDES, which Hernández enacted in a constitutional amendment in 2013 and abolished by former Libre president Zímara Castro, relinquish Honduras' sovereignty to companies invested in by Silicon Valley tycoons.
In an April 28 recording, Honduran Vice President Maria Antonita Mejia reveals that the "return" deal was struck at a meeting with Asfora with Trump at the Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida.
"The first point is the meeting of Nasri Asfora, the president, there at Mar-a-Lago," Mejia says. He went to negotiate the return of President Juan Orlando, the expansion of ZEDES, the territorial expansion of manufacturing plants, and the possibility of creating new tax-free zones.
"Ruatan will be the focal point of a new North American base... because of disputes with Cuba, Mexico and maybe Venezuela as well." This blunt acknowledgment puts the new rule in its rightful place: it is not a counternarcotics tool, as the U.S. Southern Command claims, but rather a base of attack on neighboring countries trying to escape the U.S. orbit.
In addition to this regional deal, another recording between Hernandez and Asfora on January 30 reveals the media arm of the scheme, in which Hernandez asks Asfora to transfer $150,000 "to Rosales' anonymous account to rent an apartment and open an office in the United States for a "digital journalism unit" run by "one of the president's team ... of Republicans Cooperate with Us" is publishing "important statements" about former Honduran presidents Manuel Zelaya and his wife, Xiomara Castro. Asfora replied, "I will transfer it to you from a friend's account. Let's see if they can hand it over to you in cash."
He then adds another 150,000 "from the INSEP" (Honduran Ministry of Infrastructure). In a parallel call with Honduran Vice President Mejia, Hernández confirms that Argentine President Javier Mayelli contributed $350,000, and that "another friend from Mexico" is contributing to the Mexican-related part.
In parallel with the preparation of this "media cell," the recordings reveal a tight preparation to dismantle Honduran institutions linked to the Libre party.
The first target was Marlon Ochoa, a member of the National Electoral Council for the same party and former finance minister.
Hernández tells Congressman Tomas Zambrano in one of the recordings, "I'm going to have that trial, that guy [Ochoa] has to get out of there. We have to control everything. It doesn't matter how much blood is spilled."
Cosette López-Osorio, a member of the same council for the National Party, responded: "First, imprisonment or death. I say it like this, imprisonment or death."
It is worth mentioning here that Cosette is offering 3 million limbra (Honduran currency) from her personal money and 2 million from the "Doctor" (unknown) to buy votes from deputies for the Ochoa trial.
In another recording, she says that if she carries a gun with Ochoa, Nasrallah and Irushka Elvir (Nasrallah's wife) in front of her, she will "kill all three with the same bullet."
That plan was actually implemented, with Congress firing Attorney General Johil Zelaya on March 25, forcing Supreme Court Chief Justice Rebecca Obando to resign, and Ochoa on April 16 by 88 votes.
The security dimension of the plot can be seen in a recording of Hernández throwing a full doctrine into the government, telling Zambrano on March 18:
"In Honduras, you need strength, you need logistics, you need blood. If you want to keep people in control, you have to subdue them. Squeeze them.
Suppress violence by producing violence. That's what President Trump says, pretend he's going to stay there forever. Don't be soft and don't let your heart get moving, otherwise you can't get the job done.
That's what Pablo Escobar said." In another recording, former military commander Romeo Velázquez — who led the 2009 coup against Manuel Zelaya — is asked for a "list of targets."
Velázquez responded: "I have a group in the armed forces ready to start the chase. Give me the list of people we have to hide." On the 25th of the same month, Hernández asked Velázquez, "This list so we can start locating all these people."
It can also be seen that the security doctrine is complemented by an ideological doctrine. In a recording on April 9, Hernández Zambrano ordered the evangelical churches to be drawn to the plan: "We have to do something more important, which is to win all the churches to support us.
"It is the churches that will bear the burden of making people forget the past, and to think that it was the left that did it." Evangelical churches in Honduras have already participated in demonstrations last year against the Castro government under the slogan "For Peace and Defense of Democracy" in coordination with the Honduran Council of Private Enterprises (COHEP), which plays the role of an umbrella for businessmen and big corporations.
In another recording, Hernandez acknowledged that the Libre government was a "good government" and that it had "lowered the prices of things," but insisted that it was necessary to "stuff people's heads that it wasn't like that."
The battle against Libre is therefore not a battle for performance efficiency, as it alleges, but a battle to impose a false narrative.
These leaks are part of a broader pattern of U.S. aggression against Latin America. On Jan. 3, U.S. special forces kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Celia Flores, from Caracas, under the pretext that he was leading a dummy drug cartel, which the U.S. Department of Justice acknowledged the same month "does not exist as a systematic criminal organization."
As of May 6, the U.S. Navy had killed at least 188 people — some of them fishermen from Venezuela, Colombia, and Trinidad — In strikes on boats in the Caribbean and Pacific without any forensic evidence.
On April 27, the New York Times published an investigation proving that the U.S. mint was buying gold mined from the La Mandinga mine in the Colombian province of Antioquia, a mine controlled by one of the largest U.S. designated "terrorist" organizations, known as the Clan del Golfo.
All of this exposes the falsity of the American narrative: Washington buys the gold of the cartels, pardons major smugglers, and bombs fishermen in the name of the "war on drugs."
Israel – and the Zionist lobbies in the United States – occupy a pivotal place in these leaks. On May 1, 2024, Colombia under Gustavo Petro severed ties with Tel Aviv in protest against the genocide in Gaza, losing one of its largest military customers on the continent.
These leaks reveal that Netanyahu is working to recover what he has lost, but through political engineering that includes changing governments. Colombia's presidential election will be held on May 31, and right-wing candidate Paloma Valencia — the granddaughter of President Guillermo León Valencia, who legalized paramilitary militias in 1965 — is proposing to reopen gold, coal and arms ties with Tel Aviv.
This background explains Petro's direct statement on May 6: "What is the reason for Netanyahu to fund the release of a major drug trafficker [Hernández], other than to destroy the governments of Colombia and Mexico?"
"Doesn't this show that it is Mexico and Colombia that are really fighting and abusing drugs?". Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum responded to the leaks on the same day, calling them "exposing an international right" that is spreading fake news against Mexico and Colombia with Argentine funding.
Roger Stone himself publicly revealed the plot's intentions on May 1 when he published an article on Platform X and on his website defending Hernandez, calling his prosecution a "conspiracy" by Democrats and demanding that Trump act "as he did with Maduro," meaning kidnapping former President Manuel Zelaya and his entire family under the pretext that this family was involved in the drug trade of La Hernandez.
This rhetoric reproduces the context of the 2009 coup in which Zelaya kidnapped and his deportation to Costa Rica as a "protection of democracy".
Frumio Velázquez, the coup leader at the time and now wanted by Interpol, returns in these leaks to offer Hernández a "ready group" within the army to "start the hunt."
Thus, people, tools, and goals intersect between 2009 and 2026, and the leaks appear as documented evidence of the continued effectiveness of the American coup system in Honduras until the moment, and even the growing influence of the Americans and Israelis in a context in which the Honduran right is hungry for revenge against the Liberre party and its leaders, led by the Zelaya family.
The value of these leaked recordings, so far, has gone beyond the bounds of a political scandal in a small country. Rather, they clearly and unequivocally document the nature of the American empire in the Trump II era: the revival of the Monroe Doctrine in its new formulation, which treats the Southern Hemisphere as an arena of exclusion for China and a playground for American-Israeli/Jewish capital.
The tools to achieve this are a combination of legal warfare, military intimidation, media funding, religious manipulation, and ceding sovereignty For "special" economic zones.
The targets are not limited to Honduras, but they are clearly and effectively affecting Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela, Cuba, and perhaps others. What unites these basic goals is the refusal of these countries and their governments to conform to the priorities of Washington and Tel Aviv.
What Juan Orlando Hernández and his associates are losing as a result of these leaks is not his reputation – he lost it years ago – but the illusion of return on which this entire scheme was built after it was exposed with stark clarity.
