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An American approach to Gulf security.. Towards a New Contractual Model

Equipping a US fighter jet aboard an aircraft carrier in the Arabian Sea (CENTCOM)

Afrasianet - Suleiman Al Aqili - Speaking to The New York Times on Monday, June 15, 2026, Donald Trump said nothing new so much as he said with unusual clarity.

The man does not see the United States as a guardian of alliances or values, but rather as a major corporation that runs a network of interests. When security protection becomes a contractual clause, all the axioms that have governed Washington's relationship with its allies for decades automatically collapse.


What Trump is proposing is not an election improvisation, but an extension of a firm doctrine: no more free protection. Security, in his view, is a service that is bought and sold.


In his interview, he put it bluntly: If the nuclear negotiations with Iran fail, either resume military strikes, or turn the U.S. presence in the Middle East into a "watchman" that receives up to 20 percent of the region's revenues. The figure here is not so much as substantive as it is revealing logic: turning strategic commitment into a priceable commercial contract.


To understand the implications of this proposition, it is necessary to dismantle the basis of the Gulf vision of the relationship with Washington.


The long-lasting illusion


Since 1991, an unwritten equation has taken hold: buying weapons, hosting bases, and pumping oil in dollars, in exchange for a near-guaranteed U.S. security umbrella. Over time, this equation has become a bit of a cliché, though it was never so much a hard guarantee as a changeable political arrangement.


This strategic comfort has weakened the incentive to build genuine security independence, and has led some countries to settle for the role of "security consumers."


Trump is not torpedoing this equation, but rather repricing it, which is even more dangerous. When security becomes financially negotiable, it loses its deterrent character and becomes a commodity.


From the alliance to the deal


In the traditional model, the cost was paid indirectly: arms deals, investments, and military facilities. In the Trump model, the relationship becomes direct: service for pay.


This transformation carries fundamental implications:


•    The security obligation conditional on payment loses much of its deterrent credibility.


•    It opens the door to internal bidding between countries to "buy" the guarantees.


•    It gives Washington greater ability to redistribute its commitments according to fiscal return rather than strategic priority.


In other words, security is no longer an alliance, but a market.


Betting on the American umbrella in its old form is no longer realistic. What Trump has revealed is not an emergency shift, but a frank expression of a deeper trend in American politics.


Trump's reading of the region


In the interview, Trump made clear that he was aware of what might be called "strategic duality" in some countries in the region: the desire to weaken Iran without topple it, and the need for the Iranian threat as a permanent justification for security spending and alliances with Washington.


This is disturbing reading, but it is not far from reality. Iran's continued status as a well-tuned adversary creates a relatively comfortable balance compared to a scenario of total collapse and the chaos it entails.


Trump does not object to this logic, but rather invests in it: If the threat exists and is needed, protection must be driven.


Nuclear-powered: Limited achievement in a different language


The most prominent concession in Trump's speech was his acceptance of low-level Iranian enrichment, after years of calling for full dismantling. After a round of military escalation and economic pressure, the path to a temporary truce ended with the nuclear program remaining in place, albeit in a limited form.


Actual Result


•    Delay the program, not terminate it.


•    The Iranian regime remains unchanged.


•    A tacit acknowledgment of Tehran's regional influence by linking Lebanon to the nuclear deal.


•    Reopening the Strait of Hormuz as an international economic priority.


In other words, the crisis has been contained, not resolved.


The Limits of American Power


Trump's praise of both China and Russia is not a diplomatic courtesy, but an acknowledgment of the reality of a multipolar world. Washington is no longer able to impose major compromises on its own, especially on complex issues such as Iran.


China has decisive economic leverage, and Russia maintains direct channels of influence. The result was a participatory settlement, not a unilateral victory.


This reflects the limits of the "America First" approach when it collides with the intertwining of international interests.


What does this mean for the Gulf?


The strategic conclusion is clear: the model of open guarantees is over, regardless of who the US president is.


What is needed is not a break with Washington, but a redefinition of the relationship:


•    Transition from accreditation to partnership.


•    Building real self-defense capabilities, not just accumulating armaments.


•    Strengthen regional coordination to reduce collective fragility.


•    Diversifying international relations without falling into polarization.


Betting on the American umbrella in its old form is no longer realistic. What Trump has revealed is not an emergency shift, but a clear expression of a deeper trend in American politics. 


Suleiman Al Aqili - Member of the Saudi Society for Political Science.


He served as the editor-in-chief of the Saudi newspaper Al-Watan. He is also involved in a number of political and media institutions and bodies such as: the Media Committee of the Janadriyah Festival, the Board of Directors of the Saudi Society for Political Science, the Saudi Journalists Association, the Saudi Society for Media and Communication, the Saudi Society for Opinion Writers, and the Saudi Arabian Society for Culture and Arts.

 

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