Afrasianet - Oraib Al Rantawi - The waves of condemnation of the recent Israeli decisions regarding the West Bank will end like a whirlwind in a cup, as neither the Arab nor Muslim countries have hinted at the possibility of punitive measures against Israel, and first of all, neither the Western capitals nor the international organizations have done such a thing, and it is only days or weeks, until these "angry" statements and statements take their natural place in the "archive" of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, while the settlement bulldozers will continue to creep as usual: The erosion of land, rights and holy sites, and the destruction of the structure, unity and cohesion of Palestinian societies.
As for the timid "American rejection" of the decision, attributed to an anonymous source, as usual in such cases, it is closer to veiled support, especially when we consider that the Trump administration is following the chapters of "looting and oppression of the West Bank" without movement, as if they were reading from a play that is not worth commenting.
As for the Palestinian Authority, which is on fire in its bosom that it once thought was immune (Areas A and B), it is in a completely different valley, busy preparing a constitution for a "virtual state" that has no "geography", and is busy fortifying its "political system" against any infiltration by those who seek to infiltrate its ranks through the ballot box, from the fronts of rejection, resistance and political Islam.
The aftermath of these decisions is not the same as before them
With its recent decisions, Israel erases the "fake" Oslo maps, overthrows the Hebron Protocol and with it the Jordanian laws in force in the West Bank, unleashes the ghoul of settlements, to wreak havoc in the "center" and not only in the "periphery", it puts its hand with the stroke of a pen on vast areas of "emiral" lands, archaeological and religious sites, and watersheds, without controls, and refers every Palestinian to a "seller" project and every settler to a "seller" project There is no law that will regulate this process except the "Settlement Law", and we have enough reasons to say that after these decisions, it is not the same as before:
First, it means, among other things, that Israel feels capable of "swallowing and digesting" the results of the June 1967 war. The land of the West Bank, and before it East Jerusalem, is mostly settled in the "settlement stomach," which, whenever asked if it is full, says "Is there more?"
The swallowing of the land, which is taking place along with the attempts to disperse and displace the people, and isolate them in "bantustans" separated from each other, by hundreds of barriers and iron gates, in preparation for pushing them into a new diaspora, after forced displacement, with security, economic and social tools that make life opportunities very difficult, if not impossible.
• Second, after "executing" the Oslo process and its agreements and contradictions (the Hebron Protocol recently), Israel is "burying" it with its recent decisions, as a culmination of a process that began a quarter of a century before the "Al-Aqsa Flood", with Netanyahu's first government in 1997, and the recommendations of "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm", which constituted an "intellectual-political" reference for Netanyahu's successive governments, in which Richard Perle and his fellow "neoconservatives" called on Israel to withdraw from the concept of "Neo-Conservatives".land for peace" to the concept of "peace through force" that would later become a cornerstone of Trump's U.S. national security strategy.
• Third, after "plundering the land" and "displacing the people," Israel is moving forward in "redefining" the functions and roles of the Palestinian Authority, ahead of the Palestinians in this regard, whose political and intellectual elites have been calling for this "redefinition."
According to the Israeli vision, some aspects of which have been revealed by the recent resolutions, the PA is presented with two options, no third of which is the "solution", before moving on to the "city links" project or the "seven non-united Palestinian emirates", or keeping them in order to achieve a "legal transfer" for the Palestinians, in the event that the "physical transfer" cannot be carried out for them. The "legal transfer" requires the existence of a body that grants the Palestinians travel and citizenship documents, so that Tel Aviv does not have to deal with "Palestinian Demographic Surplus. I think the fascist right is still divided on which of these two options should be adopted.
• Fourth, this means, among other things, that there is no prospect of a future, or even viable, Palestinian state on the territory occupied in 1967, and that "the end of the two-state solution has officially arrived, and that continuing to talk about this solution, without coupling words with actions that make it possible, is the greatest service rendered to Netanyahu, intentionally or without it, as long as this talk provides the apartheid regime with the time it needs to complete the task of systematic looting, displacement and undermining of the PA and its institutions, functions and roles.
• Fifthly, Israeli decisions do not need to be interpreted and analyzed, they explain themselves themselves, and what is ambiguous about them is explained and interpreted by the settlement leaders, from those who say that it is the most important decision since the occupation of 1967 issued by an Israeli government, to those who say that it is "day by month in the age of the various governments of the right, and day by year in the age of the governments of the center and the left." Palestine is not put on the Mandatory map, and whenever it is mentioned by an Israeli official, it is placed between "doubles", just as we used to do when it comes to He mentioned "Israel".
The most dangerous thing facing the Palestinian people, their cause and their struggle is that their institutions, leadership and "legitimate representative" will turn into a tool in a regional-international game of cutting time, which the fascist right seems desperately needed to complete the project of plundering the land.
What is to be done, and how do we start?
It is an earthquake created by the Netanyahu government that hits the West Bank with the highest degrees of "Richter", which cannot be confronted by continuing the usual diaries of the PA, factions, national forces and the Palestinian people (mainly the people of the West Bank), and it must be met with another "earthquake" that will be decisively effective, if its focus is in Ramallah, and the "boycott" specifically.
The signs of the corresponding earthquake begin with the departure of President Abbas, the Fatah leadership, the PA and the PLO, to Doha, Cairo, or Istanbul, to meet with the leaders of the Palestinian national and Islamic action factions, and to hold an inclusive Palestinian national conference with the participation of thousands of Palestinian national figures, from inside and outside, before which the president will submit his resignation (preferably joined by his deputy and a number of officials responsible for this destructive path), announcing the end of an era of illusions and disappointing bets, and inaugurating the transition of the leadership to " Temporary National Framework", which in turn will take over the tickets and think about the strategy for the next phase.
In particular, it pays attention to the revival, renewal, and rejuvenation of the PLO, the transfer of political (sovereign) powers from the PA to it, or the restoration of the pyramid on its base, after it was turned upside down, and the beginning of translating the demand for redefining the functions of the PLO, by abandoning "security coordination," declaring Aslo's death by an Israeli bullet in the head, reviewing the priorities of the next stage, and stopping distracted by the PA's "constitutionalization" projects, and reforming them in accordance with the Israeli Condition Book.
There is no question of continuing the electoral play, at least for many years to come, as the situation in Gaza does not allow this, nor does the situation in the West Bank bode well, and a return to the formulas of "national consensus", at least temporarily and transitory, seems to be an urgent option.
The recently passed humiliating "decrees" of the laws should be withdrawn, and the multiplied timings for the achievement of entitlements, which were not originally designed to save the Palestinian situation, but rather to further identify with the outcomes of the US-Israeli solution to the Palestinian issue.
Instead of drowning in a flood of complex elections: municipal, legislative, national council, and presidential, I think that the Palestinian people in the next stage need two of them: municipal elections in the occupied homeland, and a national council in the interior and the diaspora, because there is no point in holding presidential elections, while the "state" is only present on paper and in the corridors of the United Nations, but on the ground, there is no state and no authority.
There is no need for a legislative and national duality, based on the unity of the land, the people and the cause. The National Council (elected wherever possible), appointed by consensus if elections are not possible, and whose membership is selected from among elected leaders (unions, communities, unions, popular organizations, etc.), is the representative entity of the people, all the people.
Before talking about the "democratization" of the Palestinian political system, there must be a "system first" in order to "democratize" it, and today, there must be a "Palestine first" in order to talk about its "system", and before jumping to the "state" and the "constitution", it is necessary to think about the ABCs of the "national liberation phase" and whether the Palestinian people are approaching or far from completing their tasks.
We are aware that such an initiative will not be issued by Ramallah and its "boycott", but the recall of the titles of the project to respond to the Israeli "earthquake" is still of great importance, and if it is not possible to respond and awaken the national conscience of those influential in the Palestinian decision-making kitchen, then it is okay that these are preludes to a national program (project) whose banner bears the banner of the people and its national forces of struggle, and illuminates the path of resurrecting and renewing the Palestinian national movement, and redefining the "Palestinian national project".
The most dangerous thing facing the Palestinian people, their cause and their struggle is that their institutions, leadership and "legitimate representative" will turn into tools in a regional-international game to cut down time, which the fascist right seems desperately needed to complete the project of plundering the land and displacing its inhabitants and owners, often under false and misleading slogans, which are outwardly merciful and inwardly devastated.
This is the remaining opportunity to knock on the "walls of the reservoir" and knock them down with force, before the Palestinian cause breaths its last breath in warmth and suffocation, and before it runs out of the hands of its people, the elements of power and power that are still in their possession, and whose existence is only denied or devalued, is only ambiguous or defeated.
