What are the Americans and Turks doing in Syria?

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Afrasianet - Although the United States of America is the one who founded, organized and armed the so-called terrorist organization ISIS and planted it in the Middle East, It facilitated and facilitated for all terrorists, criminals and ideological perverts to join this organization, and helped it penetrate into Iraq and Syria, in order to foment chaos and fight the regular armies and deplete them.

The scenario developed by the intelligence services, which is the deployment of US ground forces in both Syria and Iraq to eliminate ISIS on the ground, and with air assistance, to achieve its goals, which is to completely destroy those countries, drain their resources and eliminate their regular army, especially Syria.

It is known that the American ground forces did not achieve a significant victory throughout their history, and if we look at what happened in Vietnam, and after that the second Gulf War entered the land war in the shadow of a huge international alliance in which the hero was the Egyptian ground forces, which achieved many ground achievements and were the first forces able to enter To the capital, Kuwait, and raised the Egyptian flag over the embassy, and then the war in Afghanistan, and there the American ground forces failed, and thousands of American soldiers were killed, which called on the American leadership to seek the help of NATO to enter Afghanistan, and before it the American presence in Somalia was in order to control On the worsening situation of the civil war there, and those forces could not hold out for more than two years after the armed militias there declared their war on the American army, but they were cutting the heads of soldiers and playing football with it in the streets.

The most dangerous of all is what the US army did in Iraq after its occupation in 2003 in cooperation with Britain, and that war is not considered a military victory. Indeed, there was little resistance. Rather, the forces entered cities without firing a single shot, but the US forces fell into the trap of terrorist groups and militants who targeted those forces and withdrew from Iraq after 7 years, leaving behind a rickety state without an army that was killed by sectarian and sectarian conflicts. After the American withdrawal from Iraq and its destruction in the manner that we all witnessed, the United States sought to complete its plan to destroy the Middle East through the Arab Spring, and the spread of terrorism in a way that threatened the entire world, even though it was of its own making, and it is now seeking to return again to the region, but this The time to re-divide it, especially Syria at the present time, which has become resistant to the armed groups backed by the West and the ISIS organization that was planted there. Of course, the United States of America aims to deploy its forces in Syria beyond its war against ISIS, but the real goal is to eliminate the Syrian Arab Army, and to support other terrorist organizations that are fighting the Syrian regime on the ground in order to bring it down, destroy and demobilize the Syrian army, and re-partition the state Syria once again on a sectarian and sectarian basis, as it did in Iraq before, and the theft of oil. It can also bring down the Hezbollah militias in southern Lebanon at the same time, knowing that these forces may not enter this conflict, but they will provide all support to the terrorist militias on the ground with which they are now allied, and perhaps ISIS is one of those organizations.

What is happening now on the ground is not a coincidence, but it has been planned for many years and plans and alternatives have been put in place in case of failure, and what America wants to do now by deploying its forces on the ground is the alternative plan and the pretext to enter again into the region, but this time it will not leave it unless it is burning and flimsy. completely.

Turkish intervention in northern Syria: one strategy, different policies Turkey has relied on military force to achieve its strategic goal of curbing the activity of the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG), which it views as the Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Turkey launched three military operations between 2016 and 2019 in the northern countryside of Aleppo, Afrin, the northern countryside of Raqqa and western Hasaka. While the strategic objective remained the same during these operations, the Turkish policy towards these areas varied on several levels. On the security level, the Turkish forces showed very severe cruelty in the Afrin region ("Olive Branch"), while it was soft in the northern countryside of Aleppo ("Euphrates Shield"), with a clear difference in their policy between the cities of Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ain despite their occurrence.

In one area of operations ("Peace Spring"). Turkey also released its loyal factions against the Kurdish population, especially in Afrin, while the factions showed a higher degree of discipline in the rest of the regions. Turkish policy also distinguished between regions at the service level, such as the electricity supply and the maintenance of road networks.

Turkey has also carried out operations aimed at changing the demographics of the Afrin region in particular, as it has housed the families of the displaced and fighters loyal to it in the homes of the displaced Kurds, and has moved the displaced Turkmen from Homs and Latakia to the areas adjacent to the Syrian-Turkish border. This discrepancy in policies is due to the escalating Turkish national security concern, which revolves around dismantling the Kurdish Autonomous Administration project and securing a border strip 5 km deep inside Syrian territory. . As for the similarities of Turkish policy across the three spheres of influence, they included the concentration of limited large camps and advanced guard points to confront the fighters of the People's Protection Units.

The same Turkish administrative division was also followed in the three regions, so that services were provided through the same Turkish institutions, albeit with different standards and calculations.

This similarity is due to Ankara's desire to control the region in terms of security and administration through a familiar model and to prevent any party from playing a role that transcends Turkish interests. With the Syrian regime's withdrawal from large areas in the east of the country in the spring of 2012, the Kurdish Democratic Union Party - and its armed wing represented by the People's Protection Units - began building its own governance project in northeastern Syria and Afrin.

After the Kurdish fighters tried to take control of the border town of Ras al-Ain in late 2012, Turkey responded with the support of factions from the Free Syrian Army and other Islamist factions to expel them, declaring a long battle at the end of which Kurdish fighters took control of the city in July 2013. Since then, Turkey has begun to sense the danger of the emergence of a Kurdish entity on its southern border, a danger that has exacerbated with the collapse of negotiations with the head of the Democratic Union Party, Salih Muslim in Ankara, and then the collapse of the peace process with the PKK in 2015, and finally the dependence of the United States on the PKK. Protecting the People as a main partner in its war against ISIS, which ended with the control of Kurdish fighters over Manbij in August 2016. All of this made Ankara’s strategy in Syria confined to encircling the People’s Protection Units, to launch three military operations in three Syrian regions at different times and contexts.

International positions on the Turkish military intervention varied in each operation, depending on the tension in the relationship with Ankara: the United States welcomed the “Euphrates Shield” operation against ISIS in the northern countryside of Aleppo (August 2016-March 2017) and considered it to be in the interest of American national security, and Germany agreed with it. And France, while Russia announced its reservations about the Turkish intervention.

As for Operation Olive Branch against Kurdish fighters in the Afrin region (January-March 2018), Washington, London and Moscow understood it, while Paris and Berlin expressed their concern that military operations would not help stability and a solution in Syria, and praised the Kurdish fighters' success in fighting ISIS. . Finally, the Operation Peace Spring against the Syrian Democratic Forces in the border area between Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ain (October-November 2019) was understood by Russia, which considered it a step towards weakening the Kurdish forces allied to the West, while the United States and the European Union warned against the operation.

As a result of Western rejectionist attitudes, international organizations have refrained from providing humanitarian assistance in the Spring of Peace region a year after the Turkish control over it, as they preferred to provide assistance from Damascus instead of Gaziantep, and thus burdened Ankara with the burden of providing humanitarian services in this region as it did before in Afrin.

Turkey has sought to support some Syrian factions in building local governance structures immediately after the end of the military operations, under the supervision of the Turkish border states adjacent to the areas of operations, where the provinces of Kilis and Gaziantep oversee the northern Aleppo countryside, Hatay province, Afrin, and Urfa province, Tel Abyad and head of the eye. Ankara also provides basic services in the three regions.

It seems that Turkey has released its factions with the aim of scattering the Kurdish presence and removing the danger of a Kurdish entity led by the Democratic Union Party - which it considers the Syrian branch of the Kurdistan Workers Party - on its southern borders.

Turkey believes that destroying the Kurdish human mass through long-term policies, especially in Afrin, will eliminate the project of the Kurdish entity, and it depends on the replacement of the Kurdish population by Turkmen and Arabs opposed to the project, in a manner that protects its national security in the event that its forces are withdrawn in the future.

The Turkish vision is not limited to the regions of Afrin and Ras al-Ain, but includes all areas of the border strip, including Arab villages, and hence its dependence on the Sultan Murad Turkmen faction to secure the border strip at a distance of 3 to 15 km. While Turkish official statements indicate the return of more than 400,000 Syrian refugees from various Turkish states to northern Syria, these numbers do not include an accurate census of the victims of forced deportation to Syria on the pretext of not having a Turkish protection card (as a king) or having committed legal violations. On the other hand, the areas of Turkish influence between 2016 and 2020 became the only refuge for the forcibly displaced from the de-escalation zones, i.e. rural Damascus, southern Syria, northern countryside of Homs and Idlib. In Afrin,

Turkey has housed the displaced people of Ghouta and northern Homs, in addition to the families of Turkmen fighters, in the homes of Kurds fleeing military operations. On the other hand, the People's Protection Units prevented Kurdish civilians who fled to the areas of the northern countryside of Aleppo, close to returning to their homes.

This led to a decline in the Kurdish population in Afrin from 500,000 before the Turkish attack to about 150,000 in April 2019. It is likely that the current number of Kurds does not exceed 100,000, after a large number of people preferred to flee from the excesses of the pro-Turkish factions.

Turkey repeated the same demographic policy in Ras al-Ain, which was inhabited by Kurds, Circassians, Chechens, and Arab clans. The total population of the city before Operation Peace Spring was about 29,000, and the Kurdish population was about 5,000. Only 12% of the former residents returned to the city after the military operations, most of them from the Arab tribes who were temporarily displaced, in addition to the activists and wanted by the Syrian Democratic Forces who were residing in Turkey.

As for the Tal Abyad area - which includes the city of Tal Abyad and the Suluk district - the population in 2010 reached more than 250 thousand people. According to the local council of Tal Abyad, the current civilian population is 140,000, of whom about 6,000 are displaced from other governorates. The return of some families from Turkey was hardly recorded, unlike Turkish statements that claimed the return of 200,000 Syrians to the Spring of Peace areas a year after the end of the operation.

Turkey is seeking to return Syrian refugees to Syria after failing to pressure the European Union and obtain more aid. However, the conditions of security turmoil and military operations, not to mention the deteriorating service and economic situation, prevent the return of refugees residing in Turkey to Syria.

Ankara's efforts to encourage the return of refugees can be placed within three main objectives: first, to ease its economic burdens, especially in light of the decline in the Turkish economy; secondly, to relieve the political pressure on the Turkish president and his party from the opposition, which rejects their presence; Thirdly, and most importantly, the returnees are exploited to achieve a process of demographic change that ends with their settlement in Afrin, Ras al-Ain, and along the border strip.

Turkey believes that the settlement of non-Kurds in the Kurdish areas will eliminate the possibility of the emergence of Kurdish rule, while maintaining significant political influence among the armed factions. To achieve the latter goal in the short and medium term,

Turkey must remain a major player capable of controlling field developments inside Syria, and the only way to do so is to increase its military presence. It seems that the implicit goal of this presence is the establishment of dependent regions deep in Syrian territory, which are security and economically linked to Ankara without official annexation, which would constitute a violation of international law and bring Turkey into a confrontation with everyone.

In sum, there is little difference between American or Turkish ambitions  in Syria . And all that is said about fighting terrorism is nothing but propaganda hallucinations that no longer involve anyone.    

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