Afrasianet - Muhammad Jaradat - The Palestinian decision regarding the families of martyrs and prisoners is taking the entire Palestinian scene towards unprecedented spaces at the official level, and causing wide reverberations.

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas's decree to transfer the salaries of the families of martyrs and prisoners through social affairs reflects the level of political transformations that the PA has entered since the "Al-Aqsa flood", specifically after Trump's victory in the US elections, a dangerous decision that affects the political entity on which the PA was established, as the natural extension of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

PA Prime Minister Muhammad Mustafa was frank, explaining the new president's decree, that this shift in payment is neither procedural nor formal, but subjects the family of the martyr and prisoner to social examination through the Tamkeen Foundation, which is run by a Palestinian official with prior negative attitudes in this regard, according to a social living balance in which the families of the martyr and the prisoner are examined in light of the initial humanitarian need related to food and drink, and not under the title of struggle that gives these families a special dignity, in addition to taking into account the years of captivity The prisoner spent as stipulated in the previous laws, which helped the prisoners' families to overcome the ordeal and qualified the prisoner's children for education and training at a medium economic level, while the family of the prisoner and the martyr will now find themselves below the poverty line, with the absence of their main source of income.

What does it mean to transfer the economic level of the families of martyrs and prisoners from the middle class to the poor? Is it possible to circumvent the decision in the future so that salaries remain the same or close to that?

The decision of the authority takes the families of martyrs and prisoners from the entire economic path towards serious psychological, political and security ends, the prisoner who will find Tamkeen Foundation after examination that his family has lost its main source of income, will not find, according to its financial database, more than the basis of one-fifth of what the new prisoner currently receives, and if this institution tries to distinguish the families of martyrs and prisoners from the rest of the social cases, this will have internal pitfalls and social crises among the groups of society, and most importantly, European, American and even Israeli control will interfere in Here, the Israeli will not hesitate to ban this institution and freeze its financial accounts, which means that it stops serving and everyone remains unknown.

Since its establishment, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has formed a body to care for the families of martyrs and prisoners, and its offices remained mainly in Jordan until the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in the mid-nineties, which began to allocate middle-income salaries to these families, and this was followed by the payment of salaries to each released prisoner who spent five years or more in captivity, and the Israeli entity did not object as well as the countries supporting the authority, including America and Europe, until the last five years in which Israel began to deduct millions from the clearance funds allocated to the authority. Under the pretext of preventing the financing of terrorist families, clearance is the Palestinian tax revenues that Israel earns from Palestinian foreign trade through ports and bridges, in accordance with the Paris Agreement between the two parties, and this clearance represents 50% of the PA's annual budget.

This shift in PA policy comes at a time when the Palestinian cause has entered a dangerous juncture, represented by the following developments:

1- The challenges of reconstruction in Gaza and plans to displace its people with Trump's statements.
2- The war on the West Bank and the destruction of the northern camps, especially in Jenin and Tulkarm.
3- Plans to annex the West Bank and establish buffer zones around settlements.
4- Banning the activities of UNRWA, the international institution sponsoring Palestinian refugees.
5- The participation of the PA security services in targeting the resistance in Jenin in an unprecedented manner.

These are pivotal developments, especially with the authority's decision related to the salaries of the families of martyrs and prisoners, which makes it the straw that may break the camel's back, so that the authority and the organization will enter after it in the context of the official Arab system, which is completely separate from the interests and issues of the Arab peoples and is exclusively related to American policy and its Israeli follower, because abandoning the family of the martyr and the prisoner means more than giving up the struggle against the Israeli occupation, and the talk here goes beyond the armed struggle to include the peaceful popular struggle, and it is no secret to the Palestinian decision-maker.

The Israeli entity responds to the stone with bullets, and is arrested for chanting, marching and flag, in the demonstrations of the people of the village of Beita near Nablus against settlements, which are peaceful popular demonstrations that lasted for a few months, in which ten martyrs were raised, the last of whom was an American solidarity of Turkish origin.

 The Palestinian decision regarding the families of martyrs and prisoners takes the entire Palestinian scene towards unprecedented spaces at the official level, and causes wide hesitations, perhaps the most prominent of which are:

First: Stifling political thought that resists the place of the martyr and prisoner in this thought, and nurturing the intellectual alternative represented by the legitimate acceptance of the occupation.

Second: The transformation of all bodies of power and organization to self-government, devoid of political ambition, considering that the martyr and the prisoner represent a political space without which there is no space.

Third: Canceling the slogan of national unity at the intellectual and political levels, because the former authority's care for the families of martyrs and prisoners remained essential evidence of its unifying national keenness, due to the descent of these families from multiple factions and forces.

Fourth: Perpetuating internal division and pricing war, especially with the availability of an incubating environment to find national alternatives to the organization and the authority, and the last Doha conference will not be the last.

Fifth: The exacerbation of Arab, regional and international interference in internal Palestinian affairs, this time through non-Palestinian institutions that intervene to carry out the duty of caring for these families.

It is an integrated approach that will not be the last of which will be the decision to dismiss the militant Kaddoura Fares from the presidency of the Prisoners' Affairs Commission because of his objection to the decision, especially with the refusal of most official figures active in prisoners' affairs to participate in this objection, which reflects the reality of the threats they received and their seriousness, at a time when the authority is tweeting in one valley and the effects of the whole issue are in another valley.