Afrasianet - Ibrahim Nawar - Trump has filled the open seas of the Strait of Hormuz with a huge crowd of the most powerful naval vessels in the U.S. fleet, something Iran cannot compete with, and it has responded to him in a way that he cannot compete with: diplomatic skill.
Instead of screaming and howling at his crowds, Iran has released its diplomats to fill the world. Diplomacy aimed at providing practical solutions to open the Strait of Hormuz, the biggest issue that has so far caused the world to suffer the worst oil shock In human history, ending the war that Trump has ignited, and is still unable to end.
Iranian diplomacy has quickly moved to the forefront of the global scene, while naval pieces have been nailed in their places, exemplifying the fact that Trump is closing the strait, and he cannot find a way to open it, and he may be happy about it, because preventing oil and gas from passing through the strait opens a wide door of profit for oil and gas producers in the United States.
In this, Trump does not seem to care about the world's concerns, for fear of the repercussions of the current oil shock on everyone.
Since the suspension of the US-Iran negotiations, the White House has not presented a diplomatic initiative. It deserves to be mentioned for moving the situation, and Trump only said that the United States has all the papers, and decided to cancel the travel of the American negotiating delegation to Islamabad.
With this step, it gave Tehran a golden opportunity to regain the initiative in managing the current crisis, and to turn Washington's role into a mere "reaction"!
Trump implicitly admitted in his justification for canceling the delegation's travel that he found no point in taking an 18-hour flight to Islamabad to talk about nothing, telling the international community: "The Iranians can call us at any time" (to resume negotiations), explaining that reaching a deal is very easy, they only have to accept an end to their nuclear program.
It is not so easy if Trump re-reads the historical experience of negotiations between Obama, Biden and Iran, but it is even more complicated.
The Iranian position moves with the help of inherited diplomatic experience in the origins of negotiations with Western countries and the international community, dating back to the negotiations to prepare for the end of the Iran-Iraq war in the late 1980s, then the negotiations to reach an agreement with Obama and the major countries on the Iranian nuclear program signed in 2015, and then the negotiations to amend this agreement during the The term of US President Joseph Biden, after the United States withdrew from him by a decision of Donald Trump during his first term in office in 2018.
This inherited negotiation experience has not diminished with the change of leadership figures at the helm of Iranian diplomacy, but on the contrary, it is gaining increasing strength, as it is based on a consistent strategic assessment of Iran's position in the region and the world and the position it aspires to in the future.
With regard to dealing with the outside world regarding the nuclear and missile programs, in particular, Iranian diplomacy is on a clear path even with friends before adversaries, in terms of affirming Iran's fundamental rights and sovereignty in making armaments decisions on the basis of self-reliance, and seeking help from abroad in a minimal manner, in a way that does not harm the independence of decision-making, or threaten the policy of self-reliance in the production of weapons.
Since the victory of the revolution against the Shah, Iran has not squandered its wealth in importing weapons, as some of its neighbors do, and has not resorted to asking for help from its enemies, because they are not interested in providing assistance, but rather in seeking to drain its power.
In this context, Iran's diplomacy in dealing with Trump's aggressive policy is tending to build a position with the world, using clear alliances based on the foundations of mutual interests.
The Strait of Hormuz for safe navigation, through which nearly one-fifth of the world's oil and gas trade passes, is the initiative that Iranian diplomacy is currently marketing to the world is to open the strait, end the naval blockade imposed on it by US naval ships, and the sanctions weapon used by Washington to terrorize the world.
This initiative undoubtedly responds to Iran's interest in ending the war, which is also shared by all the world's oil-importing countries.
The initiative is not limited to the borders of oil-importing countries, but also to oil and gas producing countries, which are threatened with the suspension of production due to the lack of supply routes necessary to transport production from the fields to consumption stations around the world. It is therefore no exaggeration to say that Iran's current diplomacy is besieging the U.S. naval blockade fleet against Iran.
On the other hand, American diplomacy seems sterile and foolish when it insists on putting the cart in front of the horse by giving priority to resolving the nuclear dispute between Iran and the Western countries, which adopt the Israeli position, in terms of the hostile view of the nuclear and missile programs, a dispute that may take years to resolve, perhaps prolong, and perhaps stop once and for all.
What matters to the world right now is the release of the besieged Gulf oil to the world markets, after which the United States, Israel, and their allies will have all the time available from Postpone the start of nuclear negotiations.
In this context, we find that the Gulf Arab states have a definite interest in ending the naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, and therefore they have an interest in releasing Iranian oil as well, because it is Iran that has rediscovered the importance of the strait as a strategic asset in pressuring the United States, and it has also proven its ability to disrupt navigation in it and put forward an alternative system to manage it in partnership with the Sultanate of Oman.
This regime has so far been one of the major consequences of the Israeli-American aggression against Iran, and the aggression will end, but the regime will not end if Muscat and Tehran agree together to continue it.
As for the issue of imposing tolls on the suspicion of contradicting international law, much of what the United States does in international waters, outside the territorial waters of each country, also carries the suspicion of piracy and violation of international law, and there is no provision in international law that obliges it to be the policeman of the world in international waters.
If we return to the position of the Gulf Arab states on the issue of the blockade, the positions of the parties to the conflict in the region, and the extent to which their interests coincide with those of the United States and Israel, I emphasize that these countries must Its positions are based on a single clear basis and criteria that are consistent with the considerations of achieving regional and international peace and creating the best conditions for development and joint cooperation, and not on selective foundations and criteria that confuse right and wrong.
First and foremost, the passage of oil and gas through the strait must be released to the world, including Iranian oil.
Second, Iran's nuclear program must be dealt with on the basis of the entire Middle East being free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction.
This position leads to the placement of the nuclear and missile programs of both Iran and Israel in the same space, and gives them a single character, in terms of threatening peace and security in the region and the world, and that the world must look at the two cases with the same criteria, so that they are dealt with as a single package, and a legal, political, technological and procedural framework is developed that will lead to defusing the nuclear threat to security, peace and stability in the Middle East.
The Gulf Arab states, which possess many neglected or disabled strategic assets, must wake up from the political coma that blinds them to the Israeli nuclear threat, and Iran is offering them the opportunity to formulate an open-eyed strategy that sees the nuclear threat that Israel is strengthening on all the countries of the region without exception, through a declared policy of monopolizing power, by achieving qualitative military superiority over the entire region, under a guarantee from the United States, and by monopolizing nuclear weapons in order to continue terrorizing countries The region, the usurpation of the rights of the Palestinian people, the violation of the borders of neighboring countries and the threat to their sovereignty over their territories.
The time has come to formulate Arab diplomacy that will give the Arabs a role in changing the balance of power in the region.
