Afrasianet - Sari Orabi - After Operation Al-Aqsa Flood and in the aftermath of the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, which took the genocidal pattern from its earliest moments, public statements rejecting the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip escalated.
These statements reflected real discussions taking place in secret about the objectives of the Israeli war on Gaza, and quickly revealed a document by the Israeli Ministry of Intelligence headed by Minister Gila Gamlil dated October 13, 2023, less than a week after the war, which recommended the occupation of the Gaza Strip and the displacement of Palestinians from it to Sinai.
The document preferred the option of displacement over other alternatives, namely the return of the Palestinian Authority to rule the Gaza Strip, or the establishment of Arab local rule, and saw in these alternatives fundamental defects that would lead to strategic threats, so that the option of displacement, despite its risks, is the most ideal for Israel strategically, but this option, according to the authors of the document, needs a firm position at the political level, and the approval of the United States of America, and other countries supporting Israel.
The document laid out a general plan for the reoccupation of the Gaza Strip, starting with the displacement of its population from north to south, and in the meantime a gradual purge of Hamas and its tunnels begins, in order to eventually transfer the population from the Gaza Strip to northern Sinai.
Looking at the patterns taken by the Israeli war on Gaza, it can be discovered that it was indeed guided by this plan, which although contradicted by public statements by the US Secretary of State at the time, Antony Blinken, the mere fact of coming up with these statements revealed deliberations that were taking place in a serious way behind the scenes of the conduct of the war on Gaza.
Blinken's public statements rejecting displacement came in the midst of leaks that talk about his personal pressure on a number of Arab countries to receive the residents of the Gaza Strip after their displacement, which in turn was reflected in Arab statements expressing real concern about serious pressure on Arab countries to accept the reception of the residents of the Gaza Strip, most notably the statement of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi in a press conference with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz on October 18, 2023, in which he said: "If there is an idea of displacement, there is the Negev desert in Israel, Palestinians can be displaced to it until Israel finishes its declared mission of liquidating the resistance, or armed groups: Hamas, Islamic Jihad and others, and then returns them if it wants, but Egypt cannot bear the consequences of transferring the residents of the Gaza Strip to it in a loose military operation that may last years, which would turn Sinai into a base for resistance, and end peace between Egypt and Israel."
Such statements could not have come out without real pressures that sought to translate the Israeli genocidal war on Gaza into the reoccupation of the Strip, the displacement of its population to Egypt, and then the annexation of its territory.
Some of these pressures in their public expressions convince them with humanitarian blankets that call for the protection of Palestinian civilians from Israeli shelling in safe areas on the border with Egypt.
Fifteen months after the Israeli war on Gaza, and after the completion of the signing of the first phase of the "prisoner exchange agreement between Hamas and Israel, and the return to sustainable calm in order to achieve a permanent ceasefire between the two sides," the statements of US President Donald Trump about his efforts to convince Egypt, Jordan and other Arab countries to receive the residents of the Gaza Strip, after media reports talked about the Trump administration's consideration of the possibility of transferring the residents of the Gaza Strip to Indonesia. temporarily until the Gaza Strip is rebuilt.
Trump's statements, invoking the humanitarian situation in Gaza, are clear in terms of the will to displace the residents of the Gaza Strip in line with the Israeli founding plan for genocide, as was the beginning of the war, and in a way that may reinforce opinions that go beyond interpreting the Israeli war on Gaza as an Israeli/American war, to say that its goals are agreed upon between Israelis and Americans, including the displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, and in a cross-administration manner, that is, the position of the American establishment, with its fixed and established organs.
Trump's statements not only reveal the real American position on the Israeli war and its ultimate goals, but also reveal the failure of the Israeli war to achieve this goal on time for the United States, as American frustration with the length of this war quickly emerged, as in statements by Antony Blinken in December 2023, in which he said: "If Hamas surrenders its weapons, the war will end immediately."
If the war in its genocidal pattern has become long in its third month, this means that it has not reached its fifteenth month except with American cover, to achieve what can be achieved from its goals, and that the steadfastness of the resistance, and the continuous losses of the Israelis in their soldiers and equipment, in addition to the depletion of their army and society, is what thwarted the goal of displacement, which was one of its accelerating features in the last months of the war the destruction of all the cities in the northern Gaza Strip: Jabalia, Beit Lahia and Beit Hanoun.
The reading of the war situation after the war, which reached such a long length, was evident in other statements by Behnken on January 14 , 2025, in which he said: "Hamas is not possible to defeat with military solutions alone, and what is happening in northern Gaza is proof of that," noting that Hamas recruited new elements as much as it lost.
The condensed conclusion from this is that the length of the war was linked to dangerous Israeli goals for the future of the Palestinian cause, the most important of which is the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, and that the steadfastness of the resistance prevented the achievement of this goal by military force, so that the matter moved to try to achieve those goals by investing the result of the material war, that is, the massive destruction in the Strip, or as Trump put it: "The city really needs to be rebuilt. Something has to happen, but it's a devastated site. Almost everything has been destroyed, and people are dying there. So I prefer to cooperate with some Arab countries and build housing elsewhere, maybe there they can live in peace."
These statements explain the goals of Israel's systematic destruction of the Gaza Strip. The immediate objectives are:
First: Retaliation to raise Israeli morale, restore deterrence and despair of the Palestinians from the usefulness of their resistance.
Second: Covering the advance of the ground forces with carpet shelling to liquidate the resistance and Hamas.
However, the strategic goal is to displace the population directly by Israeli force, it is ethnic cleansing driven this time by outright genocide, and if the genocide does not push the population to emigrate, and harmony with the matter is very difficult, Palestinians can be pushed to emigrate with destruction and misery.
This is reminiscent of previous statements by Israeli Finance Minister and leader of the Religious Zionist Party, Bezalel Smotrich, in which he said: "Encouraging voluntary immigration is an opening possibility, and it is possible to create a situation that will put Gaza on half of its current population within two years, with full control from the State of Israel."
What Trump recently said is identical to what Smotrich said, as Trump talks about the displacement of half the population of the Gaza Strip, and invokes the situation created by the Israeli war to justify it.
What should be emphasized is that plans for the displacement of the residents of the Gaza Strip have been constantly on the table within the Israeli establishment since 1967 through Moshe Dayan and in the Yigal Allon plan.
Despite the strategic and ideological importance of the West Bank, the Israeli vision has been constantly dictating the need to displace the population of the Gaza Strip and eventually annex it, with the aim of comprehensively Judaizing the "full land of Israel" on the one hand, and on the other hand to address the dilemma of poverty in the Israeli strategic depth, a dilemma that unfolds today in solutions such as the occupation of new territories in Syria, and the quest to remain at strategic points inside Lebanon after the last war on the territory. Lebanon.
The steadfastness of the Palestinians in Gaza and the renewed resistance there, since the occupation of the Gaza Strip, is what thwarted these Israeli plans. This war, which tried to turn Israel's plight into an opportunity, would not have stopped if the resistance had been broken or surrendered, as it would have become an impassable path to push the Palestinians towards emigration.
Therefore, while Trump forced Netanyahu to sign the agreement with Hamas, after the latter had evaded it for a long time, it was only because the war lasted too long after the unexpected steadfastness of Hamas from all regional and international actors.
However, this does not mean the end of the matter regarding the attempt to achieve the goals of this war, and not limited to the Gaza Strip, as the West Bank is more important for the Israelis, and plans to annex it are announced, and Trump's plan to liquidate the Palestinian cause, known in the media as the "deal of the century", which he put forward in his last term, stipulates stabilizing settlements in the West Bank and annexing them to Israel while subjecting the entire Palestinian sphere to absolute Israeli security domination.
If the steadfastness of the Palestinian resistance prevented the implementation of the goal of displacement by direct military impulse, investing in destruction is the next plan to push the Palestinians towards emigration, and by directly pressuring a number of Arab countries to receive them, which necessitates these countries to directly confront this plan with explicit support for the steadfastness of the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, and in a way that requires exceeding the Israeli will, starting with direct intervention in relief operations and the construction of temporary housing, and at the same time starting reconstruction.
These countries, if they have the right vision and independent will, must support the Palestinian resistance as the basic condition for curbing Israeli incursion, especially since Israeli intentions to compensate for poverty in the strategic depth are practically embodied and go beyond the Palestinian geographical space, and what cannot be obtained geographically is that Israel is working to achieve by consolidating its hegemony over the countries of the region.
What has been confirmed by the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, and the steadfastness of the Palestinian resistance in it despite the impossible circumstances, is that Israel protects itself by genocide first, and by the United States second, which as much as it should raise the concerns of all countries of the region, it confirms the possibility of building a regional balance in confronting Israel, which is unable to achieve its goals without the United States of America.